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Posts Tagged ‘investment’

In any way: Closing the door on munitions manufacturers

Wednesday, April 2nd, 2008

By Elliot Taylor

In May 2008, much of the world will join together in Dublin to formally negotiate a treaty to ban the use, development, production, trade, and stockpiling of cluster munitions The finer details — like who’s providing lunch and whether or not U2 will be at the mayoral reception — are still to be confirmed. What remains to be seen, however, is what effect this has, not only on manufacturers, but also on those that finance them.

dollar signYou could be forgiven for thinking that, walking into a Barclays Bank on the Rue Turenne in Paris, you’re the furthest away possible from the cluster munitions that rained down on Lebanon in 2006. It certainly doesn’t cross my mind when I stroll into a New Zealand National Bank - whose owner, ANZ, was part of an international syndicate providing weapons manufacturer Raytheon with a US$2.2 billion five-year revolving credit facility in 2005. Sure, it’s an easy mistake to make, but the fact is that all around the world, banks, insurance companies, pension funds, and other financial institutions are investing in the arms race. A race the Wellington Cluster Munitions Conference in February 2008 helped provide a much needed handbrake to.
Cluster Munition Conference
Admittedly, during a lunchtime talk on cluster bomb manufacturers and surrounding issues at the conference last month (Feb 08), Mark Hiznay helped shine the light on these issues. The senior researcher of the Human Rights Watch Arms Division pointed out to me his concern over a certain phrase that has seemed to have fallen off the page of Article 1 of the current treaty text: “In any way.”

“It’s been dropped,” Mark said, as he carefully wrote it in on my copy so that I didn’t forget. “This is in the Mine Ban Treaty and the Chemical Weapons Convention. This ‘in any way’, has been interpreted by legislatures to mean financial investment; direct or indirect financial investment. That’s been their hook into it.”

And it’s a hook that makes a world of sense. If a government, on humanitarian grounds, is willing to legislate against the use of cluster munitions, it’s only logical for them to also legislate against investment in any company that is involved in the manufacturing of such weapons. Any honourable government would not continue to allow local financial institutions to invest in industries that stand in stark contrast to its own policies.

Not surprisingly, Norway has again led the way on this issue with its Council on Ethics for the Government Pension Fund. Worth more than $300 billion, this is one of the largest pension funds in the world, so a little ethics is deemed appropriate. The role of the council is to “provide evaluation on whether or not investment in specified companies is inconsistent with the established ethical guidelines.” And from the presentation at the conference by Gro Nystuen, Chair of that Council, it sounds like it’s doing a pretty sterling job.

Belgium has also legislated against investment in companies producing cluster munitions, and according to Mark Hiznay, “the attitude of the Belgium banks shifted overnight. They realised that there’s going to be a new financial regulation that they have to comply with and they were falling over themselves to do it, because they didn’t want to be on the wrong side of their law.”

Similarly, Miriam Struyk of Pax Christi Netherlands has been making some noise on the issue in her home country. After a documentary highlighting the issue was aired on TV, the media latched on to the story, resulting in many pension funds withdrawing their unethical investments — even without government legislation.

These are promising developments. Sure, these may be examples of countries that have achieved certain levels of divestment without international legislation, but they are few and far between. There are also few positive examples yet here in New Zealand. Like Mark Hiznay, I hope the Oslo Process results in a treaty that will raise the call to never assist in any way those that manufacturer these deadly weapons. We need to close the door on assistance and throw away the key.


This article originally appeared in Cluster Ban News, Vol 1 Issue 3, 20 February 2008.

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Websites:
Oxfam campaigns against Cluster Bombs
Aotearoa New Zealand Stop Cluster Munition Coalition site
Wikipedia entry on Cluster bombs
Human Right Watch collection of documents on Cluster bombs
Heaps of info on http://www.stopclustermunitions.org/
Factsheet on cluster bombs on BBC news site

Videos:
Cluster Bombs: A Weapon out of Control - Human Rights Watch video on YouTube
A short film documenting the lethal effects of the use of cluster munitions worldwide, with commentary, new statistics and analysis from military experts at Human Rights Watch. The footage shows how cluster munitions have endangered civilian populations from the Vietnam era through current conflicts in Iraq and Lebanon.
Watch a video report on how thousands of unexploded cluster munitions still cover the battlefields and are wounding many unintended victims (civilians) in Lebanon.

Hunger, poverty and the real agenda of the IMF and world bank

Tuesday, October 18th, 2005

Cameron Walker

Created out of the Bretton Woods Conference of 1944 the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) claim to have the noble aims of helping third world nations to finance the building of infrastructure and to bridge balance of payments difficulties. However, many claim both institutions help ruin the economies of Third World nations through forced structural adjustment programmes, which are a condition to any loans or aid from them. Many also claim that the policies of both institutions directly benefit powerful multi-national corporations.

IMF logoThe draconian terms of the structural adjustment programmes often include the elimination of tariffs on imports, the forced privatisation of state owned assets, the removal of subsidies to local producers, the reduction of crop diversity and the forced export of crops to a small number of foreign buyers. These policies often lead to much poverty and injustice.

In 1999 the Bolivian city of Cochabamba privatised its public water supply under the intense pressure of the World Bank. The citizens of Cochabamba then as a result faced water bill price hikes of $20 a month. In a nation where the minimum wage is under $100 a month this was absolutely disastrous. What is even more shocking is that after privatisation the citizens of Cochabamba ended up paying more a month for water than people who live in the wealthiest suburbs of Washington D.C.

The policies of the World Bank and IMF are largely blamed for causing Malawi’s 2002 famine. The strings which were attached to an IMF loan package to Malawi included the privatisation of the Agricultural Development and Marketing Corporation, removal of agricultural subsidies to small farmers and the deregulation of price controls on staple foods such as maize. Between October 2001 and March 2002 the price of maize increased by 400 percent as a result of these policies. In 2002 Malawi spent 20 percent of its national budget on debt repayment to Western creditors. This is more than Malawi spent on health, education and agriculture combined.

The foreign debt of many Third World nations will literally take hundreds of years to pay off. Indonesia’s foreign debt for example is $262 billion. This is 170 percent of Indonesia’s gross domestic product. Every day poor nations pay $100 million to Western creditors in debt repayment, mainly to institutions such as the IMF and the World Bank. Since the 1980’s the policies of these institutions have led to developing nations paying out five times as much capital to rich industrialised nations as they have received in aid.

Decisions at the World Bank and the IMF are made by a vote of the board of executive directors, which represent member states. The voting process does not reflect proper democracy because voting power is determined by the amount a member state contributes to the institutions. This means the U.S.A has roughly 17 percent of the vote and has a dominant voice on policy and at times has exercised the power of veto. The World’s seven largest industrialised nations have 45 percent of the vote at the World Bank and IMF. As a result of this the policies of the World Bank and IMF often directly benefit industries based in Western industrialised nations. The company which bought Cochabamba’s water supply after it was privatised was Aguas del Tunari, part of International Water Limited, a British based company half owned by the American engineering giant, Bechtel. U.S. treasury officials have estimated that for every $1 the United States contributes to International development banks, U.S. exporters win more than U.S. $2 in bank financed procurement contracts.

It would seem to be common sense for poor nations to be encouraged to be self sufficient in food production; common sense seems to be contrary to World Bank and IMF policy. Some poor nations have had to endure having their crop diversity limited and then being forced to export the few crops produced to Western Nations. In the early 1990’s the famous investigative journalist John Pilger pointed out that forty percent of arable land in Senegal is used for growing peanuts for Western margarine and in Ghana fifty percent of arable land is used for growing cocoa for export to make Western chocolate bars. Both of these nations suffer malnutrition yet export most of their crops; a scene reminiscent of Ireland under British Imperialism during the potato famine of the 1840’s.

It is easy to come to the conclusion that the World Bank and IMF’s true agenda is very different than the one they sell to the public. They claim to help poor nations but really aid multinational corporations at the expense of Third World nations. These two institutions need to be greatly reformed to be any use in helping tackle one of the greatest problems of the early 21st Century, poverty.

References

Burgo, Ezequiel and Stewart, Heather ( 29/10/2002) The Guardian

Pilger, John (1994) Distant Voices London: Vintage

Pilger, John (2002) The New Rulers Of The World London: Verso

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World Bank/IMF Factsheet